Kate Reutershan

Brown University

December 2008


Cultural Frequencies: Fostering Community and Promoting Diversity through Beur FM



              Beur FM is a radio station based in Paris, France, that serves as an important site of cultural exchange. The station’s varied programming and extensive website are designed to reach a diverse audience and provide spaces where listeners[1] can discuss current social and cultural issues. France, in its current post-colonial state, constantly confronts intense social debates concerning immigration and concepts of nationhood. The country’s increasingly diverse population demands that previously fixed notions of what it means socially and culturally ‘to be French’ should be reconsidered. Beur FM is an essential agent in this discussion because it provides many unique outlets for users to voice their opinions, to learn about their multi-sited cultural heritage, and to negotiate pertinent identity-related issues.

In the following paper I will discuss how Beur FM is significant to its listening community and to French contemporary society as a whole. I will first provide a brief summary of pertinent contextual information that will situate the station in relation to the nation and its history. Next, I will discuss my ethnographic approach and explain both the values and challenges of conducting web-based research. Finally, I will examine the role of Beur FM as the self-proclaimed “Radio of the New Generation.” This analysis focuses on how the station presents itself to the public, how participants interact and exchange information, and finally, how they perceive the station’s role in society. I intend to show that Beur FM represents a valuable form of cultural expression and social exchange centered in France, both on the air and on the web.



The political, social, and cultural climate within France today is greatly influenced by the many diverse groups of people who reside there. What it means to be French is no longer easily distinguishable along the lines of birthplace or language spoken. Instead, the nation struggles to find a discourse that is inclusive and also addresses the rights of all who live in the country. As identities become increasingly transnational in character, stretched between country of residence and cultural heritage, conflicts arise in defining French nationhood in a pluralistic/multicultural fashion. Several authors have noted that France’s conception of society is still very much based on the republican ideals of liberty, equality, and brotherhood (liberté, égalité, et fraternité), which date back to the Revolution (Derderian 2004, Echchaibi 2007, Thomas 2007). The French goal and understanding of equality asserts that all citizens should retain the same, undifferentiated position in society. In contrast, systems of multiculturalism embrace diversity and therefore largely go against French social norms where cultural, political, and ideological differences are ultimately relegated to a private sphere. The nation therefore struggles to reconcile preconceived notions of equality and French society with the current diversity of citizens from a variety of cultural backgrounds.

Defining full citizenship in France is also a complicated issue in the face of a changing society. Indeed, the term “immigrant” is applied broadly in French society to individuals who are often, in fact, legally French citizens (although perhaps (grand)children of immigrants). Immigré has therefore acquired negative connotations/associations and is frequently applied simply on a basis of outward appearance or race. To further complicate the matter, as Richard Derderian points out in the introduction to his book, North Africans in Contemporary France, France is a country with firmly established ideals that date back to a long history of nation-hood and struggle, in which that very concept of French liberté was hard-earned in the Revolution. Those entering the country as immigrants in search of a new life therefore face a challenge, since they are “not invited to take part in the building of the nation, but rather to become part of the finished product that [is] the nation” (2004:13). Given these circumstances, immigrants and those from diverse backgrounds often struggle to gain equal acceptance into French society.

Discussions of religion are also central to understanding the current climate of French society. Indeed, the secularist concept of laïcité, or the complete separation of church and state, is of the utmost importance to the organization of French society (Derderian 2004:2). Laïcité has proven to be a divisive topic in contemporary society, coming to the fore, for example, in the 2004 media coverage concerning the ban on religious symbols in French public schools, which particularly affected female Muslim students wearing headscarves. Criticized by anthropologists like Dominic Thomas as an “ethnocentric assimilationist paradigm” (2007:9), this conception of cultural integration, and the minimizing of social difference, is often difficult for outsiders of French culture to reconcile with their own contrasting beliefs in multiculturalism and individual freedoms of expression.

Geographic space also plays an important role in revealing social inequities that exist in France. Les banlieues, translated directly as “the suburbs” but more closely related to the concept of ‘inner city,’ are locations where predominantly immigrants or those of diverse heritage reside. As Derderian notes, these places have come to represent a “demonized space” in French social perceptions (2004:18). Les banlieues are significant because not only are they located physically on the edges of major cities in France, but also they have come to symbolize the peripheral attention their residents often experience in society. Making use of this potent symbol, Adil Jazouli’s book Les années balieues (the banlieue years) focuses on the contentious space of les banlieues, and underscores their position as a stand-in for many of France’s current economic and social ills. As a result of this powerful social representation, France’s immigrant communities often fall prey to negative stereotyping associated with the places that many of them now call home.

Another topic that is important to the context of this research concerns the use of slang in French social discourse. French slang is known as verlan and is formed by reversing the letters of a word (often dropping several in the process). An article by Natalie Lefkowitz, entitled “Verlan: Talking Backwards in French,” provides a useful summary of the construction and use of verlan. Lefkowitz’s explanation of the term Beur is particularly relevant to understanding the implications of its use in French society, and in the case of my research, as the name for a radio station. Summarized briefly, Beur comes from the French word Arabe and was originally meant to indicate people of North African Arab heritage living in France. While Lefkowitz notes that Arabs claimed this term in order to remove pejorative associations from their religious identities, today that very meaning is contested (1989:320). Indeed, several individuals who completed my online survey noted their dislike for the term Beur in the radio station’s name because it now garners its own set of associated meanings (also pejorative). One respondent mentioned that the term Beur itself has undergone the process of verlan once again, and can now be identified as Rebeu (Johar). In any case, whatever the expression used in verlan, it is important to recognize the subtle meanings attached to each word and the implication of their use in French language and society.

Negotiating identity and citizenship is a constant struggle for individuals of diverse heritage living in France. While immigration from North African countries to France began as early as the mid-19th century, it wasn’t until the 1970s that immigrant workers began moving their families and settling permanently in France.[2] Since then, the children of these immigrants (often referred to as Beurs) have faced a singular conflict in finding their place in French society. In his article concerning the 2005 suburban riots in Paris (a conflict focused on “immigrant” youth), Nabil Echchaibi points out the significant issues at hand, which included the unfair conflation of ethnic and religious identities (black, Muslim), and the realization that the French ideals of liberté, equalité, and fraternité seemed not to apply to these struggling communities. The conflict arose, therefore, from a sense of “Republican betrayal,” or the notion that certain individuals/communities experience a disadvantaged or lower status of French citizenship (2007:302). Furthermore, ethnicity and religion have become ingrained in the French social perception as one-and-the-same, due to “the persistence of the French government to think the roots of the Beur problem are strictly religious.” (2007:303). In this current social climate, where preconceived notions about race and religion largely inform public perceptions of certain communities, persons of diverse heritage face a challenge in asserting their individual identities. As France continues to search for a more inclusive concept of ‘Frenchness,’ Beur FM is a significant agent in mediating this ongoing conflict.


Ethnographic Approach


This ethnographic project took place over the course of several months at Brown University and relied heavily on Internet-based research and communication. I originally learned about Beur FM last year while doing some reading in preparation for my semester abroad in Paris. Not surprisingly, living in France for six months provided me with invaluable first-hand experiences of the society and culture, not to mention significantly strengthened my language skills. This is not to say that my research is without its shortcomings or cultural misunderstandings, for fluency is a life-long process. I believe, however, that my experiences abroad contributed a new level of insight to my analysis, because they helped me to better negotiate subtle cultural differences and come to terms with my own position as an outsider to this culture.

Fortunately for a researcher living in the United States, Beur FM can be accessed through its extensive online site (located at www.beurfm.net). Live, daily programming and a variety of music channels (including Raï, ‘Oriental,’ Kabyle, and Moroccan) can be accessed instantly by way of online streaming functions. In addition to this wide selection of listening material, the website offers visitors a number of different ways to post, exchange, and discuss information through several forums, blogs, newsletters, an announcement board, and a live chat function. I took advantage of these sites of exchange, spending many hours reading through forum discussions, listening to the radio stations, and also posting my own survey for forum participants to take (see Appendix A). This kind of research implies a distinct set of characteristics, where interactions between the researcher and participants are mediated through virtual space and physical separation.

Many ethnomusicologists have begun to explore the implications of conducting web-based ethnographic research in contemporary society. The communities that exist online are similar in many ways to those found in ‘the real world.’  In the introduction to Music Scenes: Local, Translocal, and Virtual, editors Bennett and Peterson describe the concept of  “music scenes,” defined as “contexts in which clusters of producers, musicians, and fans collectively share their common musical tastes and collectively distinguish themselves from others” (2004:1). This idea is applied directly, particularly in the last third of the book, to the discussion of virtual music scenes and the important role of the Internet in bringing together groups of musicians/fans. In one of these chapters, authors Peterson and Lee characterize Internet participation by its broad demographics, where those who may be widely separated geographically, are brought into one collective space (2004:192). While physical markers are not visible on the Internet, age, gender, and education can often be inferred from discussions and recounted experiences (2004:195). Furthermore, in her article entitled “Home on the Page,” Marjorie Kibby notes how the “virtual community” involved in her study  “was defined by the place of the web page…bound by the ritual sharing of information” (2000:96). Web users who congregate on particular sites and share meaningful interactions can therefore be seen as part of a community. Together, these factors mark virtual music scenes as both similar to and different from local ones. However, one consistent aspect connects both virtual and local music communities—they are intimately linked to the formation of group-identities and to vibrant exchanges among participants.

There were both benefits and challenges to conducting my ethnographic research in a virtual space. Since I am not a native French speaker, reading conversations and analyzing survey responses online was easier for me than negotiating a real-time dialogue in a foreign language. Of course, the process of translation is also challenging when interpreting shades of meaning and tone of voice (and I claim no expertise in my own cautious efforts.)

Another point to mention is that the anonymous sphere of the world-wide-web allows users limitless possibilities in the construction of online identities. While anonymous Internet dialogue can sometimes become confrontational or profane among users (Kibbey 2000:98), it is nevertheless advantageous for an uncensored free space in which to voice often marginalized opinions and ideas (a fact noted by one of my survey respondents, Rani).

Finally, generating interest in my survey, which was posted on several of Beur FM’s forums, was another great challenge. While hundreds of forum users viewed my survey, only five actually completed it. Various factors could have contributed to this limited response (lack of interest/relevance, length of survey, etc.); however, the answers that I did receive were truly invaluable to my research. Although I was not able to converse with station users directly, the virtual space of the Internet allowed me to transcend geographic, social, and cultural distance/difference and to take part in the sharing of community values.


Beur FM: “The Radio of the New Generation”?

The history of community radio (Radio Communautaire) in France began in 1981 with the election of the Socialist government under François Mitterrand. This shift in power signaled an end to strict government-control over forms of communication in France, and thus ushered in a new age of diverse radio programming. As Richard Derderian notes, Radios communautaires functioned primarily to serve France’s ethnic, racial, and religious minorities (Hargreaves 1994:101). These stations were supported by state and local subsidies, donations, and benefit parties/concerts. More importantly, they developed primarily in France’s major urban areas like Paris, Marseille, and Lyon-- areas characterized by large populations of immigrant workers (102). Stations such as Radio Beur developed under these particular circumstances, thus paving the way for the following generation of radio stations dedicated to cultural diversity.

Radio Beur represents an important case in the history of French community radio. This station was developed in 1981 and espoused a commitment to addressing France’s “invisible generation” of Beurs (or mainly second-generation North Africans) (Derderian 2004:73). Its aims focused on creating a means of communication among the North African communities in France, counteracting negative stereotypes about immigrants, and promoting the emerging and unique beur culture within French society (2004: 75). While Radio Beur’s goal of modifying the cultural environment in France began successfully, Derderian describes how the station ultimately confronted serious conflicts in successfully negotiating concepts of multiculturalism. It turned out that defining beur culture in a pluralistic sense was a challenge for station programmers, and arguments arose over how to devote equal airtime to both Arabic and Berber cultural programs. Unfortunately, Radio Beur eventually became divided along these ethnic lines. While the station was recognized not only as one of the professional media but also as a militant association (actively engaged in the social and political struggles for minority rights), it was never able to reconcile these serious issues. Radio Beur reached its demise in 1992 as programmers could not agree on their future objectives. Nevertheless, Radio Beur is significant for the strides it made towards bringing a diverse community of listeners together in a difficult period of social and cultural tension.

              Beur FM as it exists today is a radio station with a singular aim in French contemporary society. It was developed in 1992 when one of Radio Beur’s factional leaders, Nacer Kettane, broke away to form a separate and privatized commercial station. The two stations, although both dedicated to their diverse beur audiences, struggled over rights to Paris frequencies, and Beur FM eventually came out on top. Today, the station is headquartered in Paris and broadcasts through 17 different frequencies to regions throughout France (Beur FM 2007:4). The Beur FM press document boasts 150,000 listeners per day in the Île de France region alone (Paris and surrounding area) and 300,000 daily listeners nationwide (2007:4). The station’s website allows fans additional access to radio programming internationally, a fact that Bridget Knapper explains, “demonstrates that Beur FM is acting as a cultural reference point for the Maghrebin diaspora and is an example of cultural products breaking territorial boundaries” (2003). According to station representatives, their website symbolizes the modern image of Beur FM, greatly expanding opportunities for audience participation in “a space of debates and exchanges in a spirit of tolerance and plurality”[3] (Beur FM 2007:3).

Beur FM positions itself not only as “the radio of diversity,” but also as “the radio of the new generation.” These two concepts are essential to reconstructing the image of French society today, which is a goal implied in nearly all of the station’s publicity. Their programming demonstrates a continued commitment to diversity and social exchange. For example, Monday thru Thursday listeners can engage in a live debate forum; every Friday citizens discuss and interpret pertinent current events in their own words; and Saturday and Sunday listeners pose important social questions on the air. Moreover, in addition to the wide variety of music genres played daily, Beur FM commits to playing “fusion” music that “reflects a diversity of musical inspirations and forms a link between generations” (Beur FM 2007:9). Beur FM is dedicated to supporting a diverse conception of French society, and thus a new image for the future, by providing listeners an interactive space in which to discuss important social issues and to hear music from many different cultures.

              Although Beur FM provides programs in a “secular and independent” fashion, this does not indicate that specific religious interests of listeners are overlooked (Beur FM 2007:3). It is safe to say that a majority of Beur FM listeners come from Muslim backgrounds, and station programmers take this fact into consideration, especially during Ramadan, by providing special music and shows. The website offers a “100% Ramadan” station where listeners tune into discussions about faith and contemporary society, Ramadan music, and even holiday cooking programs. In the article “Rai, Rap, and Ramadan Nights,” Gross, McMurray, and Swedenburg highlight the significance of Ramadan Nights radio programming for its listeners, which represents “a nostalgic return to an ambiance resembling what they had heard of or remembered about Ramadan celebrations in the home country” (1992:13). Indeed, these programs establish community closeness and also offer outsiders a chance to learn about a belief system that is highly visible in French society today.

Beur FM’s commitment to free expression and cultural diversity is nowhere more clearly manifest than in the discussions of forum participants. Beur FM provides nine different forums, each dedicated to a specific topic, for example, poetry, sports, cooking, art/culture, and of course, music. It’s clear that these forums have generated a wide interest, for the site lists over 9,500 registered members. Indeed, my survey results demonstrated that forumnistes enjoy discussing a variety of subjects. While one woman prefers reading the poetry and discussions on art and culture, another younger female user expressed great interest in the discussions about women, meeting ‘guys,’ marriage, and beauty advice (Boussa, Rani). Other responses that seemed to align with Beur FM’s stated aims note an appreciation for subjects relating to the Maghrebin culture and community in France (Johar).

Although only a few individuals chose to complete my survey, these respondents offered unique perspectives from a number of different backgrounds. I received a total of five completed surveys, which were filled out by four women and one man. Conveniently, each respondent selected a different age bracket, ranging from 18-50 years old, ensuring that a wide age margin was covered in these responses. Their professions were also varied, including a medications merchant, a keyboard operator, a nurse, a student, and a musician. While all respondents reside in France, each indicated specific cultural roots and family heritage. Algeria and Morocco were the predominant countries mentioned, but a wide range of languages was also noted, including French, English, Spanish, Arabic, “Berber French,” German, and “Indian.” Even within this small sample of Beur FM users, the diverse nature of French society is evident in this background information provided by the respondents.

Since Beur FM positions itself as a station for French listeners, rather than for particular ethnic or minority groups, I hoped to reveal the extent to which respondents’ perceptions/experiences aligned with this orientation. Reponses to the question “In your opinion, who listens to Beur FM in France?” all expressed a similar viewpoint. As the title of the station would suggest, participants largely view Beur FM as a station for les beurs or those of North African/Maghrebin descent. There were, however, also some important additions to this common response that seemed to indicate a broader audience composition. As one young woman notes, “This radio [station] is listened to by a majority of Maghrebins, but there are likewise more and more Europeans and Sub-Saharan Africans who also listen” (Johar). Another response also highlighted this diverse listener-ship, which includes “all the Arab Algerians, principally from Morocco and Tunisia, and also some French and black [listeners]” (Rani). Lastly, one respondent notes that it is the “youth of Maghrebin origin” who listen to Beur FM, while another woman emphasized the particular significance of the station for Muslim audiences (especially during Ramadan) (Anon., Boussa). These responses combined demonstrate that Beur FM’s audience composition is by no means homogeneous, but rather, made up of people of all ages, beliefs, professions, and cultural backgrounds. The comments from these Beur FM listeners, who all identify as French, reinforce the station’s position towards fostering a more diverse conception of what it means to be French in today’s society.

Evaluating the extent of Beur FM’s activism in French society is a complicated matter. While Beur FM espouses a commitment “to take up the challenges that face the France of tomorrow,” it is difficult to say whether or not all who participate in the station’s sites of exchange actually acknowledged this goal (Beur FM 2007:2). After all, Beur FM strives for a pluralistic understanding of French society and culture, which (for reasons outlined in the context section of this paper) contrasts in many ways with the longstanding Republican ideals that have shaped the nation since the Revolution.

My survey attempted to address this notion of social activism and engagement. When asked whether or not Beur FM constitutes an example of what the French would call a radio engagée (radio that is socially and politically concerned/aware/active), respondents were by no means unified in their reactions. Two survey respondents overtly denied any sort of association (“non,” “pas du tout”). The other respondents were hesitant to assign this label of radio engagée to Beur FM: “[It is] a little bit [engaged], but it’s rather subtle!!” and “No, even if there are political debates it is not a very engaged radio station. On the other hand, the forum is very free and is truly a pleasure to use because it is not censored” (Boussa, Rani). Clearly, users perceive the station’s role in French society in different ways. I include these points here merely to demonstrate that although Beur FM clearly claims in its publicity to be a radio station committed to fostering tolerance of diversity in France, it perhaps requires additional efforts in establishing its position among listeners and users. Until listeners themselves begin to acknowledge their involvement with the station as a form of engagement, Beur FM cannot fully attain the hoped for level of success stated in its aims.

As Beur FM works to be seen as “a media resolutely turned towards the future [of France],” I wished to learn how this position is significant to its users (2007:2). When asked to interpret Beur FM’s slogan “the Radio of the New Generation” most survey respondents supplied a similar answer. Many felt that “the New Generation” simply refers to the new or young generation of Beurs living in France, or as one woman named Rani summarized:

It means those who are between 20 and 30 years old and originally part of the immigration from North Africa. Today this generation is made up of mixed and varied origins, so this slogan is just saying ‘voila, we’ve made a radio station for you children of immigrants.’


Others have, however, provided an alternate reading of this slogan. For example, Bridget Knapper notes in her research on Beur FM that this station has a unique orientation towards cultural pluralism and uniting people of different origins. Beur FM positions itself first and foremost as a station for French listeners, and not ‘ethnic’ or minority audiences. By underscoring the ‘Frenchness’ of its programming, all the while broadcasting to diverse interests and backgrounds, Beur FM seeks to establish a broader conception of what it means to be French today (Knapper 2003). Furthermore, as a woman named Johar noted in her survey responses:

In my opinion, this slogan marks the desire of Beur FM to modernize and adapt itself to Maghrebis of the second and third generation [in France]. It is a station that works for equality of the ‘visible’ minorities.


Although users interpret Beur FM’s position in different ways, there is nevertheless a clear link between this radio station and an effort to re-conceptualize the composition of contemporary French society in a more diverse and plural fashion. 



The diversity of peoples living in France affords the country a unique social and cultural atmosphere. As struggles continue for individuals to negotiate belonging and to achieve acceptance and equality, conceptions of nationhood and French culture are gradually experiencing change. Forms of cultural expression are undoubtedly important for individuals to assert their identity and to claim space in French society. Beur FM acts as a significant agent in this dynamic process. In addition to its programming, which informs, entertains, and cultivates community, the website provides useful means for communication and exchange.

At the heart of this study lies the role of music as a form of cultural expression in asserting cultural diversity. Indeed, Beur FM’s musical programming is significant to social change, for as Gross, McMurray, and Swedenburg note:

North African music offers important channels of public communication for each of these marginalized groups who have few formal institutional channels at their command. [This music] has been a means of articulating desires to belong to a collectivity within France that shares a tolerant Arab-Islamic ethnonational identity. Moreover, [it] mobilizes a cultural sensibility that is simultaneously Arab, modern and socially progressive (1992:14).


While Swedenburg brings up a number of complex social issues, the point that I wish to emphasize from this citation is the significance and agency that music is granted in this context. For many, music possesses an inexplicable power to transcend vast political, social, cultural, and racial boundaries. When linked with spaces for free expression, debate, and sharing of knowledge, this power is harnessed in new and even more meaningful ways. Beur FM hosts these very elements, and therefore signifies an invaluable agent in the negotiation of cultural and social identity in France.

[1] I use the terms ‘listeners’ here for lack of a more precise word. It must be noted that not everyone who uses Beur FM listens to the radio. For example, some choose to use only the forum or announcement pages.

[2] A series of restrictive legislative measures in the 1970s (in particular, the Family Reunification Acts of 1974-1976) attempted to limit entry into France. Given the option to return to their home countries, but also risk the chance of being denied re-entry in the future, most immigrants already residing in France chose to permanently settle instead (De Haas 2007:46).

[3] All translations from the Beur FM website, press document, and survey responses are my own.


Appendix A

Sondage au sujet de BeurFM

Au sujet de cette recherche :
Je suis une étudiante à Brown University, aux Etats-Unis, et je fais cette recherche pour un cours sur la musique populaire. Toutes vos réponses seront anonymes, sauf si vous choisissez d’indiquer votre nom. Vos réponses sont seulement pour ma recherche et ne seront utilisées que par moi. Merci beaucoup de votre aide avec ma recherche. Si vous avez des questions, vous pouvez me contacter directement en envoyant un message à l’adresse suivante : kate@brown.edu

-Est-ce que je peux vous citer dans ma recherche ?
Si oui, indiquer le nom que vous préfériez utiliser dans cette recherche (et indiquant s’il s’agit de votre nom, prénom, surnom)

- âge :
-Sexe : homme, femme
-Pays de résidence principale :
-Racines Culturelles de votre famille :
-Langues parlées
-Est-ce que je peux vous contacter avec des questions au sujet de vos réponses ?
            oui       non
            votre courriel :
-Depuis quand écoutez-vous BeurFM ?
-Comment connaissez-vous BeurFM ?
-Combien de temps passez-vous sur le site BeurFM chaque semaine?
-Quelles fonctions du site utilisez-vous le plus ?
-Si vous écoutez la radio sur le site BeurFM, quelle station aimez-vous le plus et pourquoi ? (BeurFM live, Raï, Oriental, etc.)
-Si vous utilisez le forum, quels sujets discutez-vous normalement ?
-À votre avis, qui écoute BeurFM en France ?
-Que veut dire pour vous le slogan: « la radio de la nouvelle génération ? »
-Pensez-vous que BeurFM soit une radio engagée ?
-Qu’est-ce que le mot « Beur » signifie pour vous ?

Utilisez le champ ci-dessous pour ajouter autre chose. Est-ce que j’ai oublié de demander quelque chose ? Connaissez-vous un site Web qui serait utile pour ma recherche ?

Beur FM Survey (translation)

About this Research:
I’m a student at Brown University, in the United States, and I’m conducting this research project for a popular music studies course. All of your responses will be anonymous, unless you choose to indicate your name. I will use your responses only for my research. Thanks very much for your help with my research. If you have any questions, you can contact me by email: kate@brown.edu

-Can I quote your responses in my research?
            If yes, how would you like to be cited? (first name, last name)
-Country of residence:
-Family cultural heritage:
-Languages spoken:
-Can I contact you with follow-up questions about your responses?
-How long have you been listening to Beur FM?
-How did you become familiar with Beur FM?
-How much time do you spend on the Beur FM website per week?
-What website functions do you use most often?
-If you listen to the radio on the website, what station do you enjoy the most and why? (Beur FM live, Raï, Oriental, etc.)
-If you use the forum, what subjects do you usually discuss?
-In your opinion, who listens to Beur FM in France?
-What does the slogan “the radio of the new generation” mean to you?
-Do you think that Beur FM is a socially/politically active radio station?
-What does the word “Beur” mean to you?
-Use the space below to add any further comments. Did I forget to ask any important questions? Do you know of any web sites that might be useful to my research?




Works Cited


Bennett, Andy and Richard A. Peterson. 2004. Music scenes : local, translocal and virtual. Nashville: Vanderbilt University Press.


Beur FM. 2007. "Beur FM." Accessed 20 September 2008. http://beurfm.net


_____. 2007. "Beur FM: Dossier de Presse." 1-16. Accessed 24 October 2008. http://www.beurfm.net/dossier_de_presse.pdf


De Haas, Hein. 2007. "Morocco's Migration Experience: A Transnational Perspective."

International Migration 45(1):39-70.


Derderian, Richard L. 2004. North Africans in contemporary France : becoming visible. New York: Palgrave Macmillan.


Echchaibi, Nabil. 2007. "Republican Betrayal: Beur FM and the Suburban Riots in France." Journal of Intercultural Studies 28(3):301-316.


Gross, Joan, David McMurray and Ted Swedenburg. 1992. "Rai, Rap, and Ramadan Nights: Franco-Maghribi Cultural Identities." Middle East Report(178):11-24.


Hargreaves, Alec G. and Mark McKinney. 1997. Post-colonial cultures in France. London ; New York: Routledge.


Jazouli, Adil. 1992. Les anées banlieues. Paris: Éditions du seuil.


Kibby, Marjorie D. 2000. "Home on the Page: A Virtual Place of Music Community." Popular Music 19(1):91-100.


Knapper, Bridget. 2003. "Beur FM, agent of integration or ghettoisation?" Web Journal of French Media Studies 6(1). Accessed 24 October 2008. http://wjfms.ncl.ac.uk/joed.htm


Lefkowitz, Natalie J. 1989. "Verlan: Talking Backwards in French." The French Review 63(2):312-322.


Thomas, Dominic Richard David. 2007. Black France : colonialism, immigration, and transnationalism. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.